Making the Case for Liberal Education
Liberal Arts for All, Not Just the Rich
William Durden
From Chronicle of Higher Education, October 18,
2001
For years, many of our country's most wealthy and privileged
families have ignored shifting educational fashions and continued
to send their children to high-quality residential colleges
and universities for a liberal-arts education. They are well
aware of the many lifelong benefits of such an education.
For example, an estimated 40 percent of the Fortune 500 chief
executive officers in 2000 graduated from a liberal-arts college
or received a degree with a liberal-arts major.
Yet every time poor, minority, immigrant, first-generation,
or otherwise disadvantaged college students in the United
States stand to benefit from a liberal-arts education, the
rules of the game change. Education is suddenly redefined.
The liberal arts are devalued, and "modern" educational
theories--usually anti-intellectual, practical, student-centered,
and vocational--are trumpeted.
The outcome has been clear. The rich have remained rich and
powerful. And the poor have remained poor and disenfranchised
because they have been diverted, yet again, from obtaining
the type of education that has served as one of the primary
avenues to leadership and power for generations.
The latest educational fad is distance learning, arriving
just as the proportion of black and Hispanic college-aged
youths in the general population is predicted to rise substantially,
yet their share of the college population will be much less.
If we are not careful, many disadvantaged students will, once
more, lose access to substantive leadership opportunities.
Why does a traditional liberal education foster leadership?
People are "affinity beings" who possess an innate
desire to learn among other people in the most comprehensive
sense: to see them, hear them, exchange ideas, share food
and drink, even to have sufficient stimuli to fantasize about
them. The "24/7" nature of a residential liberal-arts
institution forces the inevitability of learning through social
interaction. Students are addressed by their names and recognized
and differentiated by their appearance, distinctive pattern
of speech, gestures, or written words. They see their thoughts
and ideas received and discussed by others, providing external
recognition that those thoughts and ideas have value.
At the same time, one can't just strike the "Delete"
key or turn off the machine in a residential environment when
confronted with a difficult human interaction or an intellectual
disagreement. Affinity with others is a "built-in"
program, not an option. Through a liberal education, students
engage in the study of a wide range of subjects in the arts,
humanities, sciences, and social sciences, directed by an
instructor in ways that ensure that students move beyond what
they already know. Such an education aims to free students
from preconceptions and encourages them to consider many different,
often conflicting, opinions. In an environment that encourages
experimentation, students can reconcile their perspectives
with the prevailing values of current authorities--represented
by instructors and the individuals whom instructors recommend--as
well as other students.
Having worked both in a distance-learning company and a residential
liberal-arts college, I know firsthand that no existing form
of distance learning can similarly affirm students as individuals
and also force them to acknowledge the ideas of others. Liberal
education is not defined by practicality or the immediacy
of occupational goals--which would do little to challenge
prejudice, bias, or authority. But a liberal education is
ultimately useful; it give students the strong sense of self
and habits of mind and action to become leaders. And, unfortunately,
it is precisely the poor, minority, first-generation, immigrant,
or otherwise disenfranchised students who most desperately
need an educational environment that builds identity and gives
them the confidence even to attempt leadership.
The historical pattern of denying disenfranchised youth a
liberal education is well documented. In her book Left Back:
A Century of Failed School Reforms (Simon and Schuster, 2000),
Diane Ravitch described how early-20th-century educational
reformers created a new curriculum for poor, foreign-born,
and nonwhite students that excluded them from gaining access
to power through a liberal education. "Because the children
were 'different,' because many did not come from English-speaking
homes, it was argued that they needed a curriculum different
from the one available to the children of affluent, native-born
families," she noted. "Not for them the 'old limited
book-subject curriculum'; the experts in the new schools of
pedagogy said these children needed industrial education,
vocational education, nature study, sewing, cooking, and manual
training." Joining the reform movement, colleges built
new programs in technical, vocational, and professional fields
at the expense of liberal education--which was portrayed as
irrelevant, inefficient, and outmoded.
Ravitch also identified the condescension in the rhetoric
on behalf of the poor, detailing how reformers believed that
schools and colleges should offer differentiated programs.
Providing a similar academic curriculum to all students was
"antidemocratic" and "aristocratic." Observed
Ravitch, "'Equality of opportunity' was redefined to
mean that only a minority should continue to get an academic
education, while the great majority--the children of the masses--would
get vocational or industrial training."
Such focused educational marketing did not convince all representatives
of the non-elite. As early as the 1890s, W.E.B. Du Bois questioned
whether industrial training would best serve African-American
students --recognizing that the path to success and power
in America traditionally went through a liberal education.
He called for the selection of a "talented tenth"
of African-American youth, who would receive a college education
in the liberal arts in order to prepare for leadership roles.
But, unfortunately, despite the pleas of Du Bois and others,
a succession of populist and progressive reforms held sway
and were introduced into schools and colleges by faculty members
and administrators who embraced such beliefs. Those reforms
diverted poor, minority, and immigrant students toward industrial,
vocational, and technical studies, as well as student-centered
learning--and away from access to a substantive education
in the liberal arts.
Today, to encourage disadvantaged students to choose distance-learning
offerings over a liberal-arts education, people use arguments
strikingly similar to those used decades ago to embrace populist
reforms. For example, in testimony before Congress's Web-Based
Education Commission, Andrew M. Rosenfield, the head of UNext.com,
which sells online courses, enthusiastically predicted, "Internet
learning has the power fundamentally to transform educational
opportunity and democratize access to education"--especially,
Rosenfield noted, for "those who because of the happenstance
of financial and geographical circumstance never could hope
to attend a physical college or university."
Yet, of course, the only area of distance instruction that
appears pedagogically effective for great numbers of learners--and
adult learners specifically--is vocational knowledge, where
a body of technical information is transferred in specific
fields like business and information technology. Therefore,
the only education that can effectively be delivered en masse
to young people is, by necessity, vocational and practical--precisely
the type of education advanced in the early 20th century by
progressive educators for immigrants, minority groups, and
the poor.
While most online-education organizations are not yet offering
full undergraduate degree programs for college-aged students,
the momentum is growing. The Massachusetts Institute of Technology's
decision to place undergraduate-course materials online, with
basically zero feedback to viewers from professors, is one
highly publicized case in point. And in an article in the
Bloomberg News Service (February 28, 2000), Christopher Byron,
an Internet commentator, urged parents not to send their children
to a residential college. He directed them instead to Virtual
U., which he equates with the University of Phoenix Online.
Why? Simply because it is cheaper. And what type of colleges
does the author generally reject? Liberal-arts colleges, of
course. According to this perspective, there is little use
for an education in the arts, humanities, sciences, and social
sciences.
What's more, announcements of the triumphant rise of distance
learning are linked to predictions of the demise of the physical
context for liberal learning: the campus. Several years ago,
in an article in Forbes magazine on technology and higher
education, Peter Drucker pronounced: "Already we are
beginning to deliver more lectures and classes off-campus
via satellite or two-way video at a fraction of the cost.
The colleges won't survive as a residential institution."
Few observers doubt that distance learning will be an important
platform for the delivery and sharing of information and practical
knowledge in the coming decades. It is already effective at
delivering workplace training and adult continuing education.
Growing evidence also suggests that it may be a useful supplement
to liberal education--providing discrete knowledge or even
coursework not readily available in a particular residential
setting.
But to predict the death of liberal education and to offer
distance education as a viable alternative for college-aged
youth is irresponsible. Where's the research that proves the
effectiveness of virtual learning for that purpose? The claim
is also unfortunate because it comes precisely when more and
more disadvantaged youth are ready for college, and when liberal-arts
colleges are poised to make it possible for them to attend
in unprecedented numbers through financial aid and heightened
recruitment efforts.
Disenfranchised students, as much as their affluent and advantaged
peers, deserve a chance at a residential, liberal education--not
an unproven alternative. Those students deserve the opportunity
to break the destructive cycle, finally, and receive, not
just placebos, but the education that they need. They deserve
a chance to obtain the type of education that will substantially
increase their access to power and success.
It is time to let the secret out beyond the privileged: A
liberal-arts education equals leadership.
Copyright 2001 William Durden
William Durden is president of Dickinson College and a former
vice president for academic affairs of the Caliber Learning
Network, a distance-learning venture. He was also a first-generation
college student.
The Presidents' Campaign for the Advancement of Liberal
Learning is supported by a grant from the Carnegie Corporation
of New York. For more information contact Bethany Zecher Sutton
at 202-387-3760.
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